The Violent Aftermath

Up until this point, it was common practice for losers of political quarrels to be exiled from Florence as punishment for their transgressions, however, guilty partisans found linked to the Pazzi Conspiracy faced starkly violent penalties; namely death sentences in the form of political executions.[1] Nicholas Scott Baker highlights the Compagnia de’ Neri’s[2] registers which frequently list the reason for political death sentences as: “per lo stato, for reasons of state”[3]. This “formulaic phrase” encapsulates the political ties to the convicted crime and its corresponding punishment.[4] Furthermore, the wrongdoing was not perceived as being against an individual or a group, rather the victim of their transgression was the Florentine state. As the leading oligarchical family in the city, the Medici were intimately linked with Florence. Their emblems appeared through the city as reminders of their patronage and their far-reaching influence. Therefore, this assassination plot was not only against a prominent family, but against the family that regarded itself as Florence’s keeper and protector. It was essentially a crime against the state. The “eruption of bloodshed” that resulted from the Pazzi Conspiracy and its aftermath “marked a discernable shift in the political culture of Florence”[5] and extinguished the established order and tranquility.

While riots broke out in the streets following the initial attack in the Duomo, Lorenzo remained hidden to seek medical attention and protect his life. He was thus unaware of these initial counterattacks and of the fact that the government and citizens of Florence reacted to this crime against the state. Pope Sixtus IV issued a papal bull on 1 June 1478 threatening to excommunicate Lorenzo and place Florence under interdict.[6] Pope Sixtus IV condemned the Medicean regime for their part in the violence, which included the hanging of the Archbishop of Pisa.[7] Having himself been suspected of supporting the double assassination, this holy denunciation of Lorenzo and his city would have likely redirected any focus away from the Pope’s involvement. Pope Sixtus IV’s principal argument was that Lorenzo’s crimes were “notorious”[8] and that he acted outside of the authority of the procedural rules of a prince, which meant that the Pope could dispense with any due processes. In the various consilia written to defend Lorenzo and illustrate the Pope’s errors, Italian jurists repeatedly argued that Lorenzo acted “lawfully and prudently”.[9] They contested that a “just cause” motivated his actions.[10] Rather, the Pope was errant as he neglected to summon Lorenzo to court prior to issuing his bull of excommunication, which is required by divine law. According to Lorenzo’s supporters, this rendered the papal bull invalid. Conflict between the Papacy and Florence lasted for two years, following which Lorenzo and the city were absolved.

Lorenzo de’ Medici’s death in 1492 significantly weakened the family’s stronghold in Florence. Contemporary historian Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540) wrote that during Lorenzo’s reign “the city was in a state of profound tranquility and quiet within” and his death “turned everything upside down”.[11] He governed the city as its sole master and despite being accepted as a tyrant by the people[12], he was beloved. Guicciardini highlights Lorenzo’s “many and most excellent” virtues while also acknowledging his vices and shortcomings, which resulted from both nature and necessity.[13] The portrait of Lorenzo’s life ends with Florence grieving his death as the government was unsure what would happen next, citizens missed the festivals and celebrations he funded, and artists mourned his generous patronage.

Lorenzo’s successor and son, Piero, was young, headstrong, arrogant, and overcome by vices.[14] Furthermore, Piero’s leadership was unpopular, disastrous, and ultimately not supported by the Florentine people.[15] The political instability in Florence made the city an easy target for foreign invasions. King Charles VIII of France crossed the Alps between August and September 1494[16], and the threat of French occupation loomed large in Florence. Without approval from his advisors and governors, Piero met with the French King before he marched through Tuscany. Upon his return, he was refused entry to the Palace of the Lord Priors. That evening, on 9 November 1494 Piero ceded control, and the Medici were once again exiled from Florence.[17]

On 17 November 1494, King Charles VIII marched into Florence. An unlikely political figure was called upon twice to intervene with the French monarch[18]: a Dominican Friar. Fra Girolamo Savonarola acted as the city’s “principal ambassador” to the King and after speaking with him, the French army left Florence on 28 November 1494, heading south for Naples.[19] Having saved the city from invasion, Savonarola increasingly became involved in Florentine politics both through his sermons and his growing influence with the government. With the removal of the Medici and a call for political reform, Florence was able to exist as a true Republic.  

 

[1] Baker, Nicholas Scott. “For Reasons of State: Political Executions, Republicanism, and the Medici in Florence,

1480–1560.” Renaissance Quarterly, vol. 62, no. 2, 2009, pp. 444–78.

[2] In the article, the Compagnia de’ Neri is defined as: “the confraternity that comforted condemned criminals and accompanied them to their deaths”. Baker, Nicholas Scott. “For Reasons of State”, p. 447.

[3] Baker, “For Reasons of State”, p. 447.

[4] Baker, “For Reasons of State”, p. 447.

[5] Baker, “For Reasons of State”, p. 457.

[6] Pennington, Kenneth. “The Pazzi Conspiracy and the Jurists.” The Prince and the Law, 1200-1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition, 1st ed., University of California Press, 1993, (238-268), p. 239.

[7] “When the archbishop was captured in the Palazzo Vecchio, he was not clothed in clerical garb and was armed.” Pennington, “The Pazzi Conspiracy and the Jurists.”, p. 252. Furthermore, the killing of the archbishop was carried out by individuals, not an act that was sanctioned and carried out by the state. This means that all of Florence could not be punished for this event. Kenneth Pennington. “The Pazzi Conspiracy and the Jurists.”, p. 246, 260.

[8] Pennington, “The Pazzi Conspiracy and the Jurists.”, p. 256.

[9] Pennington, “The Pazzi Conspiracy and the Jurists.”, p. 243.

[10] Pennington, “The Pazzi Conspiracy and the Jurists.”, p. 244.

[11] Guicciardini, “A Portrait of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 1509”, p. 267.

[12] “Nevertheless this was not a free city and a private citizen, but a city in servitude and a tyrant. And finally one must conclude that under him the city was not free, but, nevertheless, it would have been impossible for it to have had a better or more pleasing tyrant.” Guicciardini, “A Portrait of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 1509”, p. 276.

[13] Guicciardini, “A Portrait of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 1509”, p. 269.

[14] Altrocchi, Rudolph. “The Calumny of Apelles in the Literature of the Quattrocento.” Modern Language Association, Sep. 1921, vol. 36, no. 3, (454-491), p. 475.

[15] Weinstein, Donald. “Savonarola, Florence, and the Millenarian Tradition.” Church History, Dec. 1958, vol. 27, no. 4, (291-305), p. 295.

[16] Martines, April Blood, p. 251.

[17] Martines, April Blood, p. 251.

[18] Weinstein, “Savonarola, Florence, and the Millenarian Tradition.”, p. 296.

[19] Weinstein, “Savonarola, Florence, and the Millenarian Tradition.”, pp. 295-296.